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A STUDY OF THE IMPACT OF NIGERIA’S BILATERAL RELATIONS ON FOREIGN AID 1999 TO 2012

TABLE OF CONTENT

CHAPTER ONE

1.1. Background to the Study

1.2. Statement of the problem

1.3. Research Questions

1.4. Purpose of the study

1.5. Scope of the study

1.6. Significance of d study

1.7. Limitation of study

1.8. Literature Review

1.9. Research methodology

CHAPTER TWO FOUNDATIONS OF NIGERIA-US RELATIONS

2.1 Contextualising US in the Study

2.2 Contextualising Nigeria in the Study

2.3 Nigeria-US: The Strategic Nexus

CHAPTER THREENIGERIA-US ECONOMIC RELATIONS

3.1 AGOA and Nigeria-US Relations

3.2 Commerce and Industry in Nigeria-US Relations

3.3 Oil and Gas Sector in Nigeria-US Relations

CHAPTER FOURNIGERIA-US SOCIO-POLITICAL AND MILITARY RELATIONS

4.1 US Foreign Assistance and Development of Nigeria

4.2 Democracy and Good Governance in Nigeria-US Relations

4.3 AFRICOM and Nigeria-US Relations

4.4 Irritants in Nigeria-US Relations

CHAPTER FIVESUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

5.1 Summary

5.2 Conclusion

5.3 Recommendations

CHAPTER ONEINTRODUCTION

1.1 Background to the Study

The history of Nigeria’s foreign policy towards United States since 1960has constantly been changing, though the principles guiding her foreign relationsremain the same. Strategic events are largely responsible for the unstable externalrelationship between the two countries (Adebajo and Mustapha, 2008: 22). SinceNigeria’s foreign policy is deeply rooted in Africa with emphasis on political andeconomic cooperation, peaceful dispute resolution, and global nonalignment,Nigerian leaders also have their attention fixed on the successful implementationof these principles which sometimes come in conflict with the US foreign goals.Historically, Nigeria at independence began to conduct her foreignrelations under the political and governmental leadership of its Prime Minister,the late Alhaji (Sir) Abubakar Tafawa Balewa. His administration emphasizedAfrica to be centre-piece of Nigeria’s foreign policy. His own foreign relationswas pro-West particular with Britain, Nigeria’s erstwhile colonial master. Withthe bloody military coup of January, 15, 1966, the late Major-General J.T. AguisiIronsi came to power only to be killed in a counter coup staged six months later.This development brought the retired General Yakubu Gowon to power(Abegunrin, 2001: 12-20).General Gowon borrowed a leaf from Alhaji Balewa administration by being pro-West in his foreign affairs. He entered into agreement with Britain, theUnited States and other Europeans countries. However, his administrationreluctantly allowed the Soviet Union to open its embassy in Lagos (Ofoegbu,1979: 135). The General Gowon-led Federal Military Government was sacked in a bloodless coup which led to the assumption of power by the late GeneralMurtala Ramat Mohammed and the retired General (now Chief) OlusegunObasanjo who was his second in command and Chief of Staff SupremeHeadquarters.The assumption of power by these two strongmen served as a catalyst inthe history of international relations as far as Nigeria was concerned. Theirgovernment injected new innovations and dynamism into the nation’s foreignaffairs. Mohammed was prepared to counter the imperial moves of the WesternPowers especially the United States who had emerged as a major power brokerin Africa particularly in Angola (Robert, 1991: 57). Britain and Portugal also became targets of the new military administration while not leaving Cuba, asurrogate of the Soviet Union both of whom were present in Angola, challenging

the United States’ (US) presence there. These Western Powers, Cuba as wells asSouth Africa became the targets of the Mohammed/Obasanjo military regime inAfrica. One basic truth that must be stressed is the fact that this was the age of the Cold War during which the US and the Soviet Union were competing formilitary supremacy and searching for satellite countries who would supportthem in their bid to permanently polarize the world into Capitalist andCommunist Blocs under the US and Soviet Union respectively (Robert, 1991: 67).Given the above situation the Muhammed/Obasanjo regime pursuedconfrontational diplomatic in its resolve to emancipate African countries thatwere still under the tyranny of colonial masters. The government also hadconflict with the US in its bid to eradicate neo-colonialism, racism and apartheidon the African continent particularly colonies in Southern Africa (Davies, 1978:15).With all these involvements in international politics, Nigeria became aregional power and centre of influence, particularly in Africa, making her toadopt confrontational foreign policy posture towards the US. This combinedwith a viable economy until the mid-1980s, Nigeria was a toast of many statesseeking either its influence or support on global issues or financial assistance(Ate, 1987: 93).

However, after the June 12, 1993, Nigerian presidential election wasannulled, and in light of human rights abuses and the failure to embark on ameaningful democratic transition, the United States imposed numeroussanctions on Nigeria. These sanctions included the imposition of Section 212(f) of the Immigration and Nationality Act to refuse entry into the United States of senior government officials and others who formulated, implemented, or benefited from policies impeding Nigeria’s transition to democracy; suspensionof all military assistance; and a ban on the sale and repair of military goods andrefinery services to Nigeria. The U.S. Ambassador was recalled for consultationsfor four months after the execution of the Ogoni Nine on November 10, 1995.After a period of increasingly strained relations, the death of GeneralAbacha in June 1998 and his replacement by General Abubakar opened a newphase of improved bilateral relations. As the transition to democracy progressed,the removal of visa restrictions, increased high-level visits of U.S. officials,discussions of future assistance, and the granting of a Vital National InterestCertification on counter-narcotics, effective in March 1999, paved the way for re-establishment of closer ties between the United States and Nigeria, as a keypartner in the region and the continent (Adebajo and Mustapha, 2008: 80-120).

When the new democratically elected government in Nigeria took powerin 1999, the United States (US) pictured a bright future with a strategic country inthe African sub-region. They envisioned a strong partnership in political,economic and security realms. Although, the US has consistently labeled their bilateral relationship with Nigeria as ‘excellent’, however, a number of recentevents have meant that Washington has been challenged to take a fresh look atits relations with Abuja. Nigeria was in the forefront of African countries thatpublicly opposed the US invasion of Iraq in 2003 (ThisDay Newspaper, 2003).The growing influence of Islam in northern Nigeria has also been a causeof concern to some policymakers in Washington, particularly in light of America’s war on terrorism. Diplomatic relations between the two appearthreatened over the foiled attempt by a Nigerian, Umar Farouk Abdulmutallabto blow up a Northwest Airlines jet on Christmas Day (December 25, 2009) whichled to the inclusion of Nigeria on US terrorism watch list and subsequently,making the Nigerian Senate to give the United States authorities a seven-dayultimatum to remove Nigeria from their watch list (Tell Magazine, 2012). Despitechallenges that marred Nigeria-US relationship in 2010, the bilateral relationshipcontinued to improve, and cooperation on many important foreign policy goals,such as economic collaborations and regional peacekeeping has been good.

The Nigerian government has lent strong diplomatic support to the U.S.Government counter-terrorism efforts in the aftermath of the September 11, 2001attacks. The Government of Nigeria, in its official statements, has bothcondemned the terrorist attacks as well as supported military action against theTaliban and Al-Qaeda. Between 2007 and 2012, Nigeria has played a leading rolein forging an anti-terrorism consensus among states in Sub-Saharan Africa (TellMagazine, 2012). It is the general aim of this thesis to explore the strategicimportance of Nigeria as a crucial ally of the US and the needed synergies between the two nations to ensure regional and international stability.

1.2 Statement of the Problem

Bilateral relations between Nigeria and the US from 1999 to 2012 had adual character: acrimony and friendship. Between 1999 and 2003, theirrelationship was cordial; between 2003 and 2004 it degenerated into a full scalediplomatic tussle where Nigeria regarded the action of the US government onIraq invasion as inappropriate; between 2005 and 2009, diplomatic relations wascordial with the increase in economic activities; between 2009 and 2010, theirrelations was sour as a result of Nigeria’s inclusion on the terror list by the USgovernment; and between 2011 and 2012, their relations became stable andentered a new phase of strategic partnerships in the fight against terrorism. Thesteps taken by these two countries to stabilize their relations during theseperiods call for careful study.Moreover, since the main focus of the research is centered on Nigeria-U.Srelations, perhaps, their relationship is primarily driven by economic motives,which in turn shape other areas of the relationship between the two countries.Nigerian economy represents hope, not only for West African countries, but alsoforeign powers such as the US who believes that Nigeria’s leading role in AfricaGrowth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) and African Command (AFRICOM)would provide the motivation for other African countries.

1.3 Research Questions

i.What is the historical background of Nigeria-US relations?ii.

How does AGOA influence Nigeria-US economic relations from 1999 to2012?iii.

Does democracy and good governance affect Nigeria’s relation with theUnited States?iv.

What effect does AFRICOM have on Nigeria’s relation with the UnitedStates?v.

How does internal and global terrorism affect Nigeria-US relations?

1.4 Purpose of the Study

Against the background of the foregoing, the primary objective of thestudy is a critical analysis of the relationship between Nigeria and the US from1999 to 2012. This is further aimed at empirically evaluating whether the USinitiative in the name of African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) as well asUS African Command (AFRICOM) had any impact on the development of Nigeria. Specifically, the study aims at achieving the following objective:i.

Examine the historical background of Nigeria-US relations

ii.Investigate the influence of AGOA on Nigeria-US economic relations from1999 to 2012

iii.Examine how democracy and good governance affect Nigeria’s relationwith the United States.

iv.Discuss the role of US African Command on Nigeria’s relation with theUnited States

v.Analyse how internal and global terrorism affected Nigeria-US relations between 1999 and 2013.

1.5 Scope of the Study

This study covers Nigeria’s foreign relations with the United States of America from 1999 to 2012. The study examines the bilateral relations between the two countries particularly the economic, cultural and political and military relations from 1999 to 2012. Other areas which this study covers include how the interplay of domestic factors shaped the relationship between Nigeria and the United States of America.

1.6 Significance of the Study

This study is very important for certain reasons. First, it historicizes Nigeria-US bilateral relations, during military regime and under the democraticleadership of Nigeria, thereby shedding more light on the dynamics thatcharacterized their relations.Second, the study made conscious effort to address the endogeneity issue,and provide justification for the unrelenting efforts of the government to attractForeign Direct Investments (FDI), through its economic relations with the US.Third, it is useful to scholars’ especially diplomatic historians, politicalscientists, economists and international relations experts in their research.Diplomats like ambassadors, high commissioners and staffers of foreignministries will benefit from the work.Finally, the policy makers and political class will learn, through this study,the need for them to create enabling business climate and make functionalpolicies that would:

i.Integrate Nigerian economy into global market through the establishmentof a liberal markets economy;

ii.Promotion and diversification of exports in both traditional and non-traditional;

iii.Effective participation in trade negotiation to enhance economic gains inmultilateral trading system; as well as regional and bilateral arrangements.

iv.Enhancement of national security

1.7 Limitations of the Study

In the course of carrying out this research work, the researcherencountered certain limitations. This includes problems in meeting the rightperson at the right time, shortage of fund and the time allocated for the researchwork. Considering the limited time the researcher has in going out for research,there will also be constraints in accessing necessary and vital informationrequired. All these and other anticipated problems would in no doubt affect theaccuracy of this work and perhaps limit the generalization of the interpretations.

1.9. Research methodology

Historical research method was also used in carrying out this study.However, a critical examination of the dramatic relations between Nigeria andUS will be analyzed using findings from both primary and secondary sources.A detailed step in the process of primary data collection is pertinent here.In this research interviews were conducted with officials from the major trade-related agencies in Nigeria that have something to do with AGOA and fromsome U.S. trade representatives in Nigeria. In addition to these officials, open-ended questionnaires were administered to the officials of those consideredexperts in the field of foreign policy analysis. Specifically, for the interview inNigeria, the officials from the following think tanks, agencies and industrieswere contacted and interviewed:- Nigeria-American Chamber of Commerce- Office of the Special Adviser to the President on AGOA- The US Embassy in Nigeria- Nigerian Institute of International AffairsThe interviewed subjects were adults between the ages of 21 and 65 andare citizens either of Nigeria or the U.S. All questionnaires were administered torespondents in two forms: through the electronic mail (email) and also at theiroffices at Lagos and Abuja Nigeria. Where a face-to-face interview was not possible, an open-ended questionnaire was sent to the respondent by e-mail.Permission to conduct the interviews was obtained both from the supervisingofficials in each organization and from the selected respondents.The selection of subjects in this interview was based on their position inthe organizations mentioned above. It was considered appropriate to targetindividuals who are knowledgeable about US policy towards Nigeria. Since theinterviews involved individuals from both the public and private sectors—Nigerian and the U.S. government officials/workers, and the private sectorstakeholders in Nigeria—there is no suspicion by the researcher that theiropinions would be biased. However, we cannot rule out entirely elements of  biases as long as human subjects are concerned. This is an acknowledgedlimitation of social inquiry which is also the case in this study.Moreover, government publications, letters, correspondence,documentaries and newspapers were largely accessed to analyse the relationship between Nigeria and United States. The secondary data sources that wereconsulted comprised of published books, newspapers, journals articles,government documents and reports, project and policy documents; promotionalmaterials on trade; aid and investments in Nigeria. These sources were librariesand resource centres of institutions and organizations in Nigeria.The wealth of secondary sources helped augment or support informationfrom the primary sources to enable the research present an informativeimpression of this ongoing developmental account of Nigeria-United States relations

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